By Irina Anderson, Kathy Doherty
Accounting for Rape provides an unique viewpoint with reference to rape, targeting either male and female sexual violence. The authors examine daily ideals approximately rape, to envision how blaming the sufferer and the normalization of rape are completed via humans in a dialogue approximately sexual violence. They synthesize discursive psychology and a feminist perspective to discover accurately how rape and rape victimhood are outlined in ways in which mirror the social, political and cultural stipulations of society.
By analysing conversational information, Anderson and Doherty recommend that the present social mental experimental study into rape and rape notion fails to examine the subtlety and political importance of rape supportive reasoning. Accounting for Rape offers a severe interrogation of the dominant theories and methodologies, focusing on:
How the gender and sexual orientation of alleged sufferers and perpetrators is essential to social members while making feel of a rape record and in apportioning blame and sympathy
How arguments which are serious of alleged sufferers are inbuilt ways in which are 'face saving' for the individuals within the conversations, and the way victim-blaming arguments are provided as 'common sense'.
The power of using this strategy in either expert and educational contexts to advertise perspective change.
The ebook might be of serious curiosity to these learning social and scientific psychology, cultural experiences, sociology, women's stories and communique stories.
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About the Author
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Additional resources for Accounting for Rape
Victim intoxication, have been examined, with an intoxicated victim tending to be held more responsible than a sober victim (Richardson and Campbell, 1982). Signi®cantly, Critchlow (1983, 1985) found that attributions to an intoxicated rape victim tend to be less favourable than those made about a comparably drunk attacker. They argue that inebriation seems to operate as a cultural excuse for a variety of serious crimes, including rape, with drunkenness appearing to be more acceptable for men as assailants than for women as victims.
The typical task for the subjects is to read the vignette and then provide an explanation for the event described by offering a judgement of cause, blame, fault and responsibility, and opinions about guilt and sanctions. Before turning to a discussion of some of the ®ndings and conclusions in the rape-perception literature, there is an important point to be made about the dependent measures used in studies of rape perception. Researchers working in this ®eld have employed a variety of dependent measures to evaluate observers' attributional reasoning about depicted rape incidents.
A key theme emerged from `second-wave' feminist analyses of rape, that rape is both a socially produced and a socially legitimated phenomenon (Edwards, 1987). In most feminist writings on rape, a close connection is made between normative constructions of heterosexuality and sexual practice (see discussion above), the normalisation of aggression in hegemonic forms of masculinity and the maintenance of patriarchal gender power relations. Brownmiller (1975) for example argues that acts of rape are fuelled by cultural values that are perpetuated at every level of society, captured in the term `machismo'.