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68 This important statement laid the basis for the party’s eventual manifesto declaration that ‘[television is a growing influence for good or ill. ’69 Commitments to repeal the legislation, to abolish the Independent Television Authority or to revoke the licenses of commercial television companies were all, however, noticeably absent. Opposition to the Conservatives’ plans for commercial television was not completely in vain. The NTC’s high-profile campaign helped to convince the government to drop US-style sponsorship in favour of regulated advertising as the source of revenue for the new system.
P. 930. 44. , pp. 898 and 924 for poll evidence that substantial numbers of Labour supporters would welcome commercial programmes. 45. New Statesman and Nation, ‘TV and the Political Parties’, 27 November 1954, 48, 1238, p. 680. 46. New Statesman and Nation, ‘Television Prospect’, 5 April 1952, 43, 1100, p. 396. 47. Tribune, ‘Break up the BBC—But No Mr Muggs’, 20 November 1953. 48. Ibid. 49. Socialist Commentary, ‘Trouble over Television’, December 1953, 17, p. 287. 50. Association of Cinematograph and Allied Technicians (ACT), Report and Agenda for the 21st Annual Meeting (London: ACT, 1954), p.
I, p. 34. 73. See Wilson, Pressure Group, p. 179. 74. , p. 206. 75. Mikardo, Back-Bencher (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1988), p. 122. 76. Fyvel, ‘The Age of Participation’, Socialist Commentary, 19, March 1955, p. 70. 77. Crosland, The Future of Socialism (London: Jonathan Cape, 1980), p. 16. 78. , p. 18. 79. , p. 31. 80. , p. 35. 81. , p. 42. 82. , p. 208—emphasis added. 83. , p. 211. 84. , p. 215. 85. , p. 216. 86. , p. 353. 87. , p. 355. 88. Gluckstein, The Labour Party: A Marxist History (London: Bookmarks, 1988), p.